Introduction to Revelation
THE REVELATION OF JOHN
ABOUT A.D. 95
BY WAY OF INTRODUCTION
DIFFICULTY IN THE PROBLEM
Perhaps no single book in the New Testament presents so many and so formidable problems as the Apocalypse of John. These difficulties concern the authorship, the date, the apocalyptic method, the relation to the other Johannine books, the purpose, the historical environment, the reception of the book in the New Testament canon, the use and misuse of the book through the ages, etc. In the eastern churches the recognition of the Apocalypse of John was slower than in the west, since it was not in the Peshitta Syriac Version. Caius of Rome attributed the book to Cerinthus the Gnostic, but he was ably answered by Hippolytus, who attributed it to the Apostle John. The Council of Laodicea (about A.D. 360) omitted it, but the third Council of Carthage (A.D. 397) accepted it. The dispute about millenarianism led Dionysius of Alexandria (middle of the third century, A.D.) to deny the authorship to the Apostle John, though he accepted it as canonical. Eusebius suggested a second John as the author. But finally the book was accepted in the east as Hebrews was in the west after a period of doubt.
POOR STATE OF THE TEXT
There are only five uncials that give the text of John's Apocalypse (Aleph A C P Q). Of these Aleph belongs to the fourth century, A and C to the fifth, Q (really B2, B ending with Heb 9:13, both in the Vatican Library) to the eighth, P to the ninth. Only Aleph A Q (=B2) are complete, C lacking Re 1:1, 3:19-5:14, 7:14-17, 8:5-9:16, 10:10-11:3, 14:13-18:2, 19:5-21, P lacking Re 16:12--17:1, 19:21-20:9, 22:6-21. Both C and P are palimpsests. In the 400 verses of the book "over 1,600 variants have been counted" (Moffatt). Erasmus had only one cursive (of the twelfth century numbered Ir) for his first edition, and the last six verses of the Apocalypse, save verse 20, were a translation from the Vulgate. The result is that the versions are of special importance for the text of the book, since in no single MS. or group of MSS. do we have a fairly accurate text, though Aleph A C and A C Vulgate are the best two groups.
THE APOCALYPTIC STYLE
The book claims to be an apocalypse (Re 1:1) and has to be treated as such. It is an unveiling (αποκαλυψις, from αποκαλυπτω) or revelation of Jesus Christ, a prophecy, in other words, of a special type, like Ezekiel, Zechariah, and Daniel in the Old Testament. There was a considerable Jewish apocalyptic literature by this time when John wrote, much of it B.C., some of it A.D., like the Book of Enoch, the Apocalypse of Baruch, the Book of Jubilees, the Assumption of Moses, the Psalms of Solomon, the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, the Sibylline Oracles, some of them evidently "worked over by Christian hands" (Swete). Jesus himself used the apocalyptic style at times (Mr 13; Mt 24, 25; Lu 21). Paul in 1Co 14 spoke of the unpremeditated apocalyptic utterances in the Christian meetings and suggested restraints concerning them. "The Revelation of John is the only written apocalypse, as it is the only written prophecy of the Apostolic age.... The first Christian apocalypse came on the crest of this long wave of apocalyptic effort" (Swete). The reason for this style of writing is usually severe persecution and the desire to deliver a message in symbolic form. The effort of Antiochus Epiphanes, who claimed to be "a god manifest," to hellenize the Jews aroused violent opposition and occasioned many apocalypses to cheer the persecuted Jews.
EMPEROR WORSHIP AS THE OCCASION FOR JOHN'S APOCALYPSE
There is no doubt at all that the emperor cult (emperor worship) played a main part in the persecution of the Christians that was the occasion for this great Christian apocalypse. The book itself bears ample witness to this fact, if the two beasts refer to the Roman power as the agent of Satan. It is not possible to single out each individual emperor in the graphic picture. Most would take the dragon to be Satan and the first and the second beasts to be the imperial and provincial Roman power. The Roman emperors posed as gods and did the work of Satan. In particular there were two persecuting emperors (Nero and Domitian) who were responsible for many martyrs for Christ. But emperor worship began before Nero. Julius Caesar was worshipped in the provinces. Octavius was called Augustus (Σεβαστος, Reverend). The crazy Emperor Caius Caligula not simply claimed to be divine, but actually demanded that his statue be set up for worship in the Holy of Holies in the Temple in Jerusalem. He was killed in January A.D. 41 before he could execute his dire purpose. But the madcap Nero likewise demanded worship and blamed in A.D. 64 the burning of Rome on the Christians, though guilty of it himself. He set the style for persecuting Christians, which slumbered on and burst into flames again under Domitian, who had himself commonly termed Dominus ac Deus noster (Our Lord and God). The worship of the emperor did not disturb the worshippers of other gods save the Jews and the Christians, and in particular the Christians were persecuted after the burning of Rome when they were distinguished from the Jews. Up till then Christians were regarded (as by Gallio in Corinth) as a variety of Jews and so entitled to tolerance as a religio licita, but they had no standing in law by themselves and their refusal to worship the emperor early gave offence, as Paul indicates in 1Co 12:3. It was Κυριος Ιησους or Κυριος Καισαρ. On this very issue Polycarp lost his life. The emperors as a rule were tolerant about it, save Nero and Domitian, who was called Nero redivivus, or Nero back again. Trajan in his famous letter to Pliny advised tolerance except in stubborn cases, when the Christians had to be put to death. After Nero it was a crime to be a Christian and all sorts of slanders about them were circulated. We have seen already in 2Th 2:3ff., the man of sin who sets himself above God as the object of worship. We have seen also in 1Jo 2:18, 22; 4:3; 2Jo 1:7 the term antichrist applied apparently to Gnostic heretics. One may wonder if, as Beckwith argues, in the Apocalypse the man of sin and the antichrist are united in the beast.
THE AUTHOR
The writer calls himself John (Re 1:1, 4, 9; 22:8). But what John? The book can hardly be pseudonymous, though, with the exception of the Shepherd of Hermas, that is the rule with apocalypses. There would have been a clearer claim than just the name. The traditional and obvious way to understand the name is the Apostle John, though Dionysius of Alexandria mentions John Mark as held by some and he himself suggests another John, like the so-called Presbyter John of Papias as quoted by Eusebius. The uncertain language of Papias has raised a deal of questioning. Swete thinks that the majority of modern critics ascribe the Apocalypse to this Presbyter John, to whom Moffatt assigns probably II and III John. Irenaeus represents the Apostle John as having lived to the time of Trajan, at least to A.D. 98. Most ancient writers agree with this extreme old age of John. Justin Martyr states expressly that the Apostle John wrote the Apocalypse. Irenaeus called it the work of a disciple of Jesus. In the ninth century lived Georgius Hamartolus, and a MS. of his alleges that Papias says that John the son of Zebedee was beheaded by the Jews and there is an extract in an Oxford MS. of the seventh century which alleges that Papias says John and James were put to death by the Jews. On the basis of this slim evidence some today argue that John did not live to the end of the century and so did not write any of the Johannine books. But a respectable number of modern scholars still hold to the ancient view that the Apocalypse of John is the work of the Apostle and Beloved Disciple, the son of Zebedee.
RELATION TO THE FOURTH GOSPEL
Here scholars divide again. Many who deny the Johannine authorship of the Fourth Gospel and the Epistles accept the apostolic authorship of the Apocalypse, Baur, for instance. Hort, Lightfoot, and Westcott argued for the Johannine authorship on the ground that the Apocalypse was written early (time of Nero or Vespasian) when John did not know Greek so well as when the Epistles and the Gospel were written. There are numerous grammatical laxities in the Apocalypse, termed by Charles a veritable grammar of its own. They are chiefly retention of the nominative case in appositional words or phrases, particularly participles, many of them sheer Hebraisms, many of them clearly intentional (as in Re 1:4), all of them on purpose according to Milligan (Revelation in Schaff's Pop. Comm.) and Heinrici (Der Litterarische Charakter der neutest. Schriften, p. 85). Radermacher (Neutestamentliche Grammatik, p. 3) calls it "the most uncultured literary production that has come down to us from antiquity," and one finds frequent parallels to the linguistic peculiarities in later illiterate papyri. J. H. Moulton (Grammar, Vol. II, Part I, p. 3) says: "Its grammar is perpetually stumbling, its idiom is that of a foreign language, its whole style that of a writer who neither knows nor cares for literary form." But we shall see that the best evidence is for a date in Domitian's reign and not much later than the Fourth Gospel. It is worth noting that in Ac 4:13 Peter and John are both termed by the Sanhedrin αγραμματο κα ιδιωτα (unlettered and unofficial men). We have seen the possibility that II Peter represents Peter's real style or at least that of a different amanuensis from Silvanus in 1Pe 5:12. It seems clear that the Fourth Gospel underwent careful scrutiny and possibly by the elders in Ephesus (Joh 21:24). If John wrote the Apocalypse while in Patmos and so away from Ephesus, it seems quite possible that here we have John's own uncorrected style more than in the Gospel and Epistles. There is also the added consideration that the excitement of the visions played a part along with a certain element of intentional variations from normal grammatical sequence. An old man's excitement would bring back his early style. There are numerous coincidences in vocabulary and style between the Fourth Gospel and the Apocalypse.
THE UNITY OF THE APOCALYPSE
Repeated efforts have been made to show that the Apocalypse of John is not the work of one man, but a series of Jewish and Christian apocalypses pieced together in a more or less bungling fashion. Spitta argued for this in 1889. Vischer was followed by Harnack in the view there was a Jewish apocalypse worked over by a Christian. Gunkel (Creation and Chaos, 1895) argued for a secret apocalyptic tradition of Babylonian origin. In 1904 J. Weiss carried on the argument for sources behind the Apocalypse. Many of the Jewish apocalypses do show composite authorship. There was a current eschatology which may have been drawn on without its being a written source. It is in chapter Re 12 where the supposed Jewish source is urged more vigorously about the woman, the dragon, and the man child. There are no differences in language (vocabulary or grammar) that argue for varied sources. The author may indeed make use of events in the reign of Nero as well as in the reign of Domitian, but the essential unity of the book has stood the test of the keenest criticism.
THE DATE
There are two chief theories, the Neronic, soon after Nero's death, the other in the reign of Domitian. Irenaeus is quoted by Eusebius as saying expressly that the Apocalypse of John was written at the close of the reign of Domitian. This testimony is concurred in by Clement of Alexandria, by Origen, by Eusebius, by Jerome. In harmony with this clear testimony the severity of the persecutions suit the later date better than the earlier one. There is, besides, in Re 17:11f. an apparent reference to the story that Nero would return again. The fifth king who is one of the seven is an eighth. There was a Nero legend, to be sure, that Nero either was not dead but was in Parthia, or would be redivivus after death. Juvenal termed Domitian "a bald Nero" and others called Domitian "a second Nero." But in spite of all this Hort, Lightfoot, Sanday, Westcott have argued strongly for the Neronic era. Peake is willing to admit allusions to the Neronic period as Swete is also, but both consider the Domitianic date the best supported. Moffatt considers any earlier date than Domitian "almost impossible."
THE VISIONS
No theory of authorship, sources, or date should ignore the fact that the author claims to have had a series of visions in Patmos. It does not follow that he wrote them down at once and without reflection, but it seems hardly congruous to think that he waited till he had returned from exile in Patmos to Ephesus before writing them out. In fact, there is a note of sustained excitement all through the book, combined with high literary skill in the structure of the book in spite of the numerous grammatical lapses. The series of sevens bear a relation to one another, but more in the fashion of a kaleidoscope than of a chronological panorama. And yet there is progress and power in the arrangement and the total effect. There is constant use of Old Testament language and imagery, almost a mosaic, but without a single formal quotation. There is constant repetition of words and phrases in true Johannine style. Each of the messages to the seven churches picks out a metaphor in the first picture of Christ in chapter I and there are frequent other allusions to the language in this picture. In fact there is genuine artistic skill in the structure of the book, in spite of the deflections from ordinary linguistic standards. In the visions and all through the book there is constant use of symbols, as is the fashion in apocalypses like the beasts, the scorpions, the horses, etc. These symbols probably were understood by the first readers of the book, though the key to them is lost to us. Even the numbers in the book (3 1/2, 7, 3, 4, 12, 24, 1000) cannot be pressed, though some do so. Even Harnack called the Apocalypse the plainest book in the New Testament, by using Harnack's key for the symbols.
THEORIES OF INTERPRETATION
They are literally many. There are those who make the book a chart of Christian and even of human history even to the end. These divide into two groups, the continuous and the synchronous. The continuous historical theory takes each vision and symbol in succession as an unfolding panorama. Under the influence of this theory there have been all sorts of fantastic identifications of men and events. The synchronous theory takes the series of sevens (seals, trumpets, bowls) as parallel with each other, each time going up to the end. But in neither case can any satisfactory program be arranged. Another historical interpretation takes it all as over and done, the preterist theory. This theory again breaks into two, one finding the fulfilment all in the Neronic period, the other in the Domitianic era. Something can be said for each view, but neither satisfies the whole picture by any means. Roman Catholic scholars have been fond of the preterist view to escape the Protestant interpretation of the second beast in chapter Re 13 as papal Rome. There is still another interpretation, the futurist, which keeps the fulfilment all in the future and which can be neither proved nor disproved. There is also the purely spiritual theory which finds no historical allusion anywhere. This again can be neither proved nor disproved. One of the lines of cleavage is the millennium in chapter Re 20. Those who take the thousand years literally are either pre-millennialists who look for the second coming of Christ to be followed by a thousand years of personal reign here on earth or the postmillennialists who place the thousand years before the second coming. There are others who turn to 2Pe 3:8 and wonder if, after all, in a book of symbols this thousand years has any numerical value at all. There seems abundant evidence to believe that this apocalypse, written during the stress and storm of Domitian's persecution, was intended to cheer the persecuted Christians with a view of certain victory at last, but with no scheme of history in view.
A PRACTICAL PURPOSE
So considered, this vision of the Reigning Christ in heaven with a constant eye on the suffering saints and martyrs is a guarantee of certain triumph in heaven and ultimate triumph on earth. The picture of Christ in heaven is a glorious one. He is the Lamb that was slain, the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the Word of God, the Victor over his enemies, worshipped in heaven like the Father, the Light and Life of men. Instead of trying to fit the various symbols on particular individuals one will do better to see the same application to times of persecution from time to time through the ages. The same Christ who was the Captain of salvation in the time of Domitian is the Pioneer and Perfecter of our faith today. The Apocalypse of John gives glimpses of heaven as well as of hell. Hope is the word that it brings to God's people at all times.
THE READERS OF THE BOOK
The whole book is sent to the seven churches in Asia (Re 1:4). There is a special message to each of the seven (chapters Re 2; 3), suited to the peculiar needs of each church and with a direct reference to the geography and history of each church and city, so Ramsay holds (The Letters to the Seven Churches). The book is to be read aloud in each church (1:3). One can imagine the intense interest that the book would arouse in each church. Children are charmed to hear the Apocalypse read. They do not understand the symbols, but they see the pictures in the unfolding panorama. There were other churches in the Province of Asia besides these seven, but these form a circle from Ephesus where John had lived and wrought. They do present a variety of churches, not necessarily all types, and by no means a chart of seven dispensations of Christian history.
A BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY (ONLY BOOKS SINCE 1875)
Abbott, E. A., Johannine Grammar (1906). ,Notes on New Testament Criticism (Part VII of Diatessarica, 1907). Allo, E. B., L'apocalypse et l'epoque de la parousia (1915). ,Saint Jean. L'apocalypse (1921). Baldensperger, Messian. Apok. Hoffnung. 3rd ed. (1903). Baljon, J. M. S., Openbaring van Johannes (1908). Beckwith, J. T., The Apocalypse of John (1919). Benson, E. W., The Apocalypse (1900). Berg, The Drama of the Apocalypse (1894). Bleek, F., Lectures on the Apocalypse (1875). Boll, Aus der Offenbarung Johannis (1914). Bousset, W., Die Offenbarung Johannis. 2 Aufl. (1906). ,Zur Textkritik der Apokalypse (1894). Brown, Charles, Heavenly Visions (1911). Brown, D., The Structure of the Apocalypse (1891). Bullinger, Die Apokalypse (1904). Bungeroth, Schlussel zur Offenbarung Johannis (1907). Burger, C. H. A., Offenbarung Johannis (1877). Cadwell, The Revelation of Jesus Christ (1920). Calmes, L'Apokalypse devant la Critique (1907). Campbell, The Patmos Letters Applied to Modern Criticism (1908). Carrington, P., The Meaning of the Revelation (1931). Case, S. J., The Millennial Hope (1918). ,The Revelation of John (1920). Charles, R. H., Studies in the Apocalypse (1913). ,The Revelation of St. John. 2 vols. (1921). Chevalin, L'apocalypse et les temps presents (1904). Crampon, L'apocalypse de S. Jean (1904). Dean, J. T., The Book of Revelation (1915) Deissmann, A., Light from the Ancient East. Tr. by Strachan (1927). Delaport, Fragments sahidiques du N.T. Apocalypse (1906). Douglas, C. E., New Light on the Revelation of St. John the Divine (1923). Dusterdieck, Offenbarung Johannis. 4 Aufl. (1887). Eckman, When Christ Comes Again (1917). Erbes, Offenbar. Johan. Kritischuntersucht (1891). Forbes, H. P., International Handbook on the Apocalypse (1907). Gebhardt, Doctrine of the Apocalypse (1878). Geil, W. E., The Isle That Is Called Patmos (1905). Gibson, E. C. S., The Revelation of St. John (1910). Gigot, The Apocalypse of St. John (1915). Glazebrook, The Apocalypse of St. John (1924). Gunkel, H., Schopfung und Chaos (1895). Gwynn, The Apocalypse of St. John (1897). Harnack, A., Die Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur. Bd I (1897). Henderson, B. W., The Life and Principate of the Emperor Nero (1903). Hill, Apocalyptic Problems (1916). Hill, Erskine, Mystic Studies in the Apocalypse (1931). Hirscht, Die Apokalypse und ihre neueste Kritik (1895). Holtzmann, H. J., Die Offenbarung Johannis (1891). Holtzmann-Bauer, Hand-Comm., Offenbarung des Johannis. 3 Aufl. (1908). Horne, The Meaning of the Apocalypse (1916). Hort, F. J. A., The Apocalypse of St. John, Chs. 1-3 (1908). James, M. R., The Apocalypse in Art (1931). Jowett, G. T., The Apocalypse of St. John (1910). Kubel, Offenbarung Johannis (1893). Laughlin, The Solecisms of the Apocalypse (1902). Lee, S., Revelation in Speaker's Comm. (1881). Linder, Die Offenbarung des Johannis aufgeschlossen (1905). Llwyd, J. P. D., The Son of Thunder (1932). Lohmeyer, E., Die Offenbarung des Johannes. Handbuch zum N.T. (1926). Loisy, A., L'Apocalypse de Jean (1923). Matheson, Sidelights upon Patmos. Milligan, W., The Revelation of St. John. Schaff's Popular Comm. (1885). ,The Book of Revelation. Expositor's Bible (1889). ,Lectures on the Apocalypse (1892). ,Discussions on the Apocalypse (1893). Moffatt, James, Intr. to Literature of the N.T. (1911). ,Revelation in Expos. Greek Testament (1910). Moule, H.C., Some Thoughts on the Seven Epistles (1915). Mozley, The Christian's Hope in the Apocalypse (1915). Oman, John, The Book of Revelation (1923). ,The Text of Revelation (1928). Osborn, The Lion and the Lamb (1922). Palmer, The Drama of the Apocalypse (1902). Paul, Latter Day Light on the Apocalypse (1898). Peake, A. S., The Revelation of John (1921). Porter, F. C., The Messages of the Apocalyptic Writers (1905). Pounder, Historical Notes on the Book of Revelation (1912). Prager, L., Die Offenbarung Johannis (1901). Ramsay, A., Revelation in Westminster N.T. (1910). Ramsay, W. M., The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia (1904). Rauch, Offenbarung des Johannis (1894). Reymond, L'apocalypse (1908). Ross, J. J., Pearls from Patmos (1923). Russell, J. S., The Parousia (1878). Sabatier, Les Origines Litteraires et la Comp. de l'Apoc. (1888). Schlatter, Der Evangelist Johannes (1931). Schoen, L'Origine de l'Apocalypse (1887). Scott, C. Anderson, Revelation in New Century Bible (1902). Scott, C. A., Revelation in Devot. Comm. (1906). Scott, J. J., Lectures on the Apocalypse (1909). Selwyn, E. C., The Christian Prophets and the Prophetic Apocalypse (1901). Shepherd, W. J. L., The Revelation of St. John the Divine. 2 vols. (1923). Simcox, W. H., Revelation in Cambridge Greek Testament (1893). Smith, J. A., Revelation in American Comm. (1888). ,The World Lighted (1890). ,The Divine Parable of History (1901). Spitta, F., Die Offenbarung des Johannis (1889). Strange, Instructions on the Revelation of St. John the Divine (1900). Swete, H. B., The Apocalypse of St. John (1906). 2nd ed. 1907. Turner, C. H., Studies in Early Church History (1912). Vischer, Die Offenb. Johan. eine judische Apok (1886). Volter, Offenb. Johannis. 2 Aufl. (1911). ,Das Problem der Apok. (1893). Weiss, B., Die Johannes-Apokalypse. Textkrit. (1891, 2 Aufl. 1902). Weiss, J., Offenb. Johannis (1904). Wellhausen, J., Analyse der Offenb. (1907). Weyland, Omwerkings-en Compilatie-Hupothesen Toegepast op de Apok. (1888). Whiting, The Revelation of John (1918). Zahn, Introduction to the N.T. 3 vols. (1909). ,Komm. (1926).
Verse 1
The Revelation (αποκαλυψις). Late and rare word outside of N.T. (once in Plutarch and so in the vernacular Koine), only once in the Gospels (Lu 2:32), but in LXX and common in the Epistles (2Th 1:7), though only here in this book besides the title, from αποκαλυπτω, old verb, to uncover, to unveil. In the Epistles αποκαλυψις is used for insight into truth (Eph 1:17) or for the revelation of God or Christ at the second coming of Christ (2Th 1:7; 1Pe 1:7). It is interesting to compare αποκαλυψις with επιφανεια (2Th 2:8) and φανερωσις (1Co 12:7). The precise meaning here turns on the genitive following.
Of Jesus Christ (Ιησου Χριστου). Hort takes it as objective genitive (revelation about Jesus Christ), but Swete rightly argues for the subjective genitive because of the next clause.
Gave him (εδωκεν αυτο). It is the Son who received the revelation from the Father, as is usual (Joh 5:20f.,26, etc.).
To shew (δειξα). First aorist active infinitive of δεικνυμ, purpose of God in giving the revelation to Christ.
Unto his servants (τοις δουλοις αυτου). Believers in general and not just to officials. Dative case. God's servants (or Christ's).
Must shortly come to pass (δε γενεσθα εν ταχε). Second aorist middle infinitive of γινομα with δε. See this same adjunct (εν ταχε) in Lu 18:8; Ro 16:20; Re 22:6. It is a relative term to be judged in the light of 2Pe 3:8 according to God's clock, not ours. And yet undoubtedly the hopes of the early Christians looked for a speedy return of the Lord Jesus. This vivid panorama must be read in the light of that glorious hope and of the blazing fires of persecution from Rome.
Sent and signified (εσημανεν αποστειλας). "Having sent (first aorist active participle of αποστελλω, Mt 10:16 and again in Re 22:6 of God sending his angel) signified" (first aorist active indicative of σημαινω, from σημα, sign or token, for which see Joh 12:33; Ac 11:28). See 12:1 for σημειον, though σημαινω (only here in the Apocalypse) suits admirably the symbolic character of the book.
By his angel (δια του αγγελου αυτου). Christ's angel as Christ is the subject of the verb εσημανεν, as in 22:16 Christ sends his angel, though in 22:6 God sends.
Unto his servant John (τω δουλω αυτου Ιωανε). Dative case. John gives his name here, though not in Gospel or Epistles, because "prophecy requires the guarantee of the individual who is inspired to utter it" (Milligan). "The genesis of the Apocalypse has now been traced from its origin in the Mind of God to the moment when it reached its human interpreter" (Swete). "Jesus is the medium of all revelation" (Moffatt).
Verse 2
Bare witness (εμαρτυρησεν). First aorist active indicative of μαρτυρεω, which, along with μαρτυς and μαρτυρια, is common in all the Johannine books (cf. 22:18, 20), usually with περ or οτ, but with cognate accusative as here in 22:16, 20; 1Jo 5:10. Epistolary aorist here, referring to this book.
The word of God (τον λογον του θεου). Subjective genitive, given by God. The prophetic word as in 1:9; 6:9; 20:4, not the personal Word as in 19:14.
The testimony of Jesus Christ (την μαρτυριαν Ιησου Χριστου). Subjective genitive again, borne witness to by Jesus Christ.
Even of all the things that he saw (οσα ειδεν). Relative clause in apposition with λογον and μαρτυριαν.
Verse 3
Blessed (μακαριος). As in Mt 5:3ff. This endorses the book as a whole.
He that readeth (ο αναγινωσκων). Present active singular articular participle of αναγινωσκω (as in Lu 4:16). Christians in their public worship followed the Jewish custom of public reading of the Scriptures (2Co 3:14f.). The church reader (αναγνωστης, lector) gradually acquired an official position. John expects this book to be read in each of the seven churches mentioned (1:4) and elsewhere. Today the public reading of the Bible is an important part of worship that is often poorly done.
They that hear (ο ακουοντες). Present active plural articular participle of ακουω (the audience).
And keep (κα τηρουντες). Present active participle of τηρεω, a common Johannine word (1Jo 2:4, etc.). Cf. Mt 7:24. "The content of the Apocalypse is not merely prediction; moral counsel and religious instruction are the primary burdens of its pages" (Moffatt).
Written (γεγραμμενα). Perfect passive participle of γραφω.
For the time is at hand (ο γαρ καιρος εγγυς). Reason for listening and keeping. On καιρος see Mt 12:1, time of crisis as in 1Co 7:29. How near εγγυς (at hand) is we do not know any more than we do about εν ταχε (shortly) in 1:1.
Verse 4
To the seven churches which are in Asia (ταις επτα εκκλησιαις ταις εν τη Ασια). Dative case as in a letter (Ga 1:1). John is writing, but the revelation is from God and Christ through an angel. It is the Roman province of Asia which included the western part of Phrygia. There were churches also at Troas (Ac 20:5ff.) and at Colossal and Hierapolis (Col 1:1; 2:1; 4:13) and possibly at Magnesia and Tralles. But these seven were the best points of communication with seven districts (Ramsay) and, besides, seven is a favorite number of completion (like the full week) in the book (1:4, 12, 16; 4:5; 5:1, 6; 8:2; 10:3; 11:13; 12:3; 13:1; 14:6f.).
From him which is (απο ο ων). This use of the articular nominative participle of ειμ after απο instead of the ablative is not due to ignorance or a mere slip (λαψυς πενναε), for in the next line we have the regular idiom with απο των επτα πνευματων. It is evidently on purpose to call attention to the eternity and unchangeableness of God. Used of God in Ex 3:14.
And which was (κα ο ην). Here again there is a deliberate change from the articular participle to the relative use of ο (used in place of ος to preserve identity of form in the three instances like Ionic relative and since no aorist participle of ειμ existed). The oracle in Pausanias X. 12 has it: Ζευς ην, Ζευς εστι, Ζευς εσσετα (Zeus was, Zeus is, Zeus will be).
Which is to come (ο ερχομενος). "The Coming One," futuristic use of the present participle instead of ο εσομενος. See the same idiom in verse 8; 4:8 and (without ο ερχομενος) in 11:17; 16:5.
From the seven spirits (απο των επτα πνευματων). A difficult symbolic representation of the Holy Spirit here on a par with God and Christ, a conclusion borne out by the symbolic use of the seven spirits in 3:1; 4:5; 5:6 (from Zec 4:2-10). There is the one Holy Spirit with seven manifestations here to the seven churches (Swete, The Holy Spirit in the N.T., p. 374), unity in diversity (1Co 12:4).
Which are (των article Aleph A, α relative P).
Before his throne (ενωπιον του θρονου αυτου). As in 4:5f.
Verse 5
Who is the faithful witness (ο μαρτυς ο πιστος). "The witness the faithful," nominative in apposition like πρωτοτοκος and αρχων with the preceding ablative Ιησου Χριστου with απο, a habit of John in this book (apparently on purpose) as in 2:13, 20; 3:12, etc. See this same phrase in 2:13; 3:14. The use of μαρτυς of Jesus here is probably to the witness (1:1) in this book (22:16f.), not to the witness of Jesus before Pilate (1Ti 6:13).
The first-born of the dead (ο πρωτοτοκος των νεκρων). A Jewish Messianic title (Ps 88:28) and as in Col 1:18 refers to priority in the resurrection to be followed by others. See Lu 2:7 for the word.
The ruler of the kings of the earth (ο αρχων των βασιλεων της γης). Jesus by his resurrection won lordship over the kings of earth (17:14; 19:16), what the devil offered him by surrender (Mt 4:8f.).
Unto him that loveth us (τω αγαπωντ ημας). Dative of the articular present (not aorist αγαπησαντ) active participle of αγαπαω in a doxology to Christ, the first of many others to God and to Christ (1:6; 4:11; 5:9, 12f.; 7:10, 12, etc.). For the thought see Joh 3:16.
Loosed (λυσαντ). First aorist active participle of λυω (Aleph A C), though some MSS. (P Q) read λουσαντ (washed), a manifest correction. Note the change of tense. Christ loosed us once for all, but loves us always.
By his blood (εν τω αιματ αυτου). As in 5:9. John here as in the Gospel and Epistles states plainly and repeatedly the place of the blood of Christ in the work of redemption.
Verse 6
And he made (κα εποιησεν). Change from the participle construction, which would be κα ποιησαντ (first aorist active of ποιεω) like λυσαντ just before, a Hebraism Charles calls it, but certainly an anacoluthon of which John is very fond, as in 1:18; 2:2, 9, 20; 3:9; 7:14; 14:2f.; 15:3.
Kingdom (βασιλειαν). So correctly Aleph A C, not βασιλεις (P cursives). Perhaps a reminiscence of Ex 19:6, a kingdom of priests. In 5:10 we have again "a kingdom and priests." The idea here is that Christians are the true spiritual Israel in God's promise to Abraham as explained by Paul in Ga 3; Ro 9.
To be priests (ιερεις). In apposition with βασιλειαν, but with κα (and) in 5:10. Each member of this true kingdom is a priest unto God, with direct access to him at all times.
Unto his God and Father (τω θεω κα πατρ αυτου). Dative case and αυτου (Christ) applies to both θεω and πατρ. Jesus spoke of the Father as his God (Mt 27:46; Joh 20:17) and Paul uses like language (Eph 1:17), as does Peter (1Pe 1:3).
To him (αυτω). Another doxology to Christ. "The adoration of Christ which vibrates in this doxology is one of the most impressive features of the book" (Moffatt). Like doxologies to Christ appear in 5:13; 7:10; 1Pe 4:11; 2Pe 3:18; 2Ti 4:18; He 13:21. These same words (η δοξα κα το κρατος) in 1Pe 4:11, only η δοξα in 2Pe 3:18; 2Ti 4:18, but with several others in Re 5:13; 7:10.
Verse 7
Behold, he cometh with the clouds (ιδου ερχετα μετα των νεφελων). Futuristic present middle indicative of ερχομα, a reminiscence of Da 7:13 (Theodotion). "It becomes a common eschatological refrain" (Beckwith) as in Mr 13:26; 14:62; Mt 24:30; 26:64; Lu 21:27. Compare the manifestation of God in the clouds at Sinai, in the cloudy pillar, the Shekinah, at the transfiguration" (Vincent).
Shall see (οψετα). Future middle of οραω, a reminiscence of Zec 12:10 according to the text of Theodotion (Aquila and Symmachus) rather than the LXX and like that of Mt 24:30 (similar combination of Daniel and Zechariah) and 26:64. This picture of the victorious Christ in his return occurs also in 14:14, 18-20; 19:11-21; 20:7-10.
And they which (κα οιτινες). "And the very ones who," Romans and Jews, all who shared in this act.
Pierced (εξεκεντησαν). First aorist active indicative of εκκεντεω, late compound (Aristotle, Polybius, LXX), from εκ and κεντεω (to stab, to pierce), in N.T., only here and Joh 19:37, in both cases from Zec 12:10, but not the LXX text (apparently proof that John used the original Hebrew or the translation of Theodotion and Aquila).
Shall mourn (κοψοντα). Future middle (direct) of κοπτω, old verb, to cut, "they shall cut themselves," as was common for mourners (Mt 11:17; Lu 8:52; 23:27). From Zec 12:12. See also Re 18:9.
Tribes (φυλα). Not just the Jewish tribes, but the spiritual Israel of Jews and Gentiles as in 7:4-8. No nation had then accepted Christ as Lord and Saviour, nor has any yet done so.
Verse 8
The Alpha and the Omega (το Αλφα κα το Ο). The first and the last letters of the Greek alphabet, each with its own neuter (grammatical gender) article. This description of the eternity of God recurs in 21:6 with the added explanation η αρχη κα το τελος (the Beginning and the End) and of Christ in 22:13 with the still further explanation ο πρωτος κα ο εσχατος (the First and the Last). This last phrase appears also in 1:17; 2:8 without το Αλφα κα το Ο. The change of speaker here is unannounced, as in 16:15; 18:20. Only here and 21:5f. is God introduced as the speaker. The eternity of God guarantees the prophecy just made.
The Lord God (Κυριος ο θεος). "The Lord the God." Common phrase in Ezekiel (Eze 6:3, 11; 7:2, etc.) and in this book (4:8; 11:17; 15:3; 16:7; 19:6; 21:22). See 1:4; 4:8 for the triple use of ο, etc. to express the eternity of God.
The Almighty (ο παντοκρατωρ). Late compound (πας and κρατεω), in Cretan inscription and a legal papyrus, common in LXX and Christian papyri, in N.T. only in 2Co 6:18 (from Jer 38:35) and Re 1:8; 4:8; 11:17; 15:3; 16:7, 14; 19:6, 15; 21:22.
Verse 9
I John (Εγω Ιωανης). So 22:8. In apocalyptic literature the personality of the writer is always prominent to guarantee the visions (Da 8:1; 10:2).
Partaker with you (συνκοινωνος). See already 1Co 9:23. "Co-partner with you" (Ro 11:17). One article with αδελφος and συνκοινωνος unifying the picture. The absence of αποστολος here does not show that he is not an apostle, but merely his self-effacement, as in the Fourth Gospel, and still more his oneness with his readers. So there is only one article (τη) with θλιψε (tribulation), βασιλεια (kingdom), υπομονη (patience), ideas running all through the book. Both the tribulation (see Mt 13:21 for θλιψις) and the kingdom (see Mt 3:2 for βασιλεια) were present realities and called for patience (υπομονη being "the spiritual alchemy" according to Charles for those in the kingdom, for which see Lu 8:15; Jas 5:7). All this is possible only "in Jesus" (εν Ιησου), a phrase on a par with Paul's common εν Χριστω (in Christ), repeated in 14:13. Cf. 3:20; 2Th 3:5.
Was (εγενομην). Rather, "I came to be," second aorist middle indicative of γινομα.
In the isle that is called Patmos (εν τη νησω τη καλουμενη Πατμω). Patmos is a rocky sparsely settled island some ten miles long and half that wide, one of the Sporades group in the Aegean Sea, south of Miletus. The present condition of the island is well described by W. E. Geil in The Isle That Is Called Patmos (1905). Here John saw the visions described in the book, apparently written while still a prisoner there in exile.
For the word of God and the testimony of Jesus (δια τον λογον του θεου κα την μαρτυριαν Ιησου). The reason for (δια and the accusative) John's presence in Patmos, naturally as a result of persecution already alluded to, not for the purpose of preaching there or of receiving the visions. See verse 2 for the phrase.
Verse 10
I was in the Spirit (εγενομην εν πνευματ). Rather, "I came to be (as in 1:9) in the Spirit," came into an ecstatic condition as in Ac 10:10f.; 22:17, not the normal spiritual condition (εινα εν πνευματ, Ro 8:9).
On the Lord's Day (εν τη κυριακη ημερα). Deissmann has proven (Bible Studies, p. 217f.; Light, etc., p. 357ff.) from inscriptions and papyri that the word κυριακος was in common use for the sense "imperial" as imperial finance and imperial treasury and from papyri and ostraca that ημερα Σεβαστη (Augustus Day) was the first day of each month, Emperor's Day on which money payments were made (cf. 1Co 16:1f.). It was easy, therefore, for the Christians to take this term, already in use, and apply it to the first day of the week in honour of the Lord Jesus Christ's resurrection on that day (Didache 14, Ignatius Magn. 9). In the N.T. the word occurs only here and 1Co 11:20 (κυριακον δειπνον θε Λορδ'ς Συππερ). It has no reference to ημερα κυριου (the day of judgment, 2Pe 3:10).
Behind me (οπισω μου). "The unexpected, overpowering entrance of the divine voice" (Vincent). Cf. Eze 3:12.
Voice (φωνην). Of Christ, as is plain in verses 12f.
As of a trumpet (ως σαλπιγγος). So in 4:1 referring to this.
Saying (λεγουσης). Present active participle genitive case agreeing with σαλπιγγος rather than λεγουσαν, accusative agreeing with φωνην. So on purpose, as is clear from 4:1, where λαλουσης also agrees with σαλπιγγος.
Verse 11
Write in a book (γραψον εις βιβλιον). First aorist active imperative of γραφω for instantaneous action. The commission covers the whole series of visions which all grow out of this first vision of the Risen Christ.
Send (πεμψον). First aorist active imperative of πεμπω. Part of the commission from Christ. The names of the seven churches of 1:4 are now given, and the particular message to each church comes in chapters 2 and 3 and in the same order, the geographical order going north from Ephesus, then east and south to Laodicea. But apparently the whole book was to be read to each of the seven churches. It would probably also be copied at each church.
Verse 12
To see the voice (βλεπειν την φωνην). The voice put for the person speaking.
Having turned (επιστρεψας). First aorist active participle of επιστρεφω, from which also επεστρεψα, just before, for which verb see Ac 15:36; 16:18.
Seven golden candlesticks (επτα λυχνιας χρυσας). See Mt 5:15 for λυχνια (lampstand). Symbols of the seven churches as explained in verse 20. See Ex 25:35ff. for description of a seven-branched candlestick, but here the lampstands are separate.
Verse 13
One like unto a son of man (ομοιον υιον ανθρωπου). Note accusative here with ομοιον (object of ειδον) as in 14:14 and not the associative-instrumental as is usual (1:15; 4:3, 6). Charles holds that ομοιον here has the sense of ως (as) and compares 4:6; 22:1 for proof. The absence of the article here shows also (Charles) that the idea is not "like the Son of man" for Christ is the Son of man. He is like "a son of man," but not a man.
Clothed (ενδεδυμενον). Perfect passive participle of ενδυω, accusative case agreeing with ομοιον.
A garment down to the foot (ποδηρη). Old adjective ποδηρης (from πους, foot, and αιρω), here only in N.T., accusative singular retained with the passive participle as often with verbs of clothing. Supply χιτωνα or εσθητα (garment).
Girt about (περιεζωσμενον). Perfect passive participle of περιζωννυμ, accusative singular agreeing with ομοιον.
At the breasts (προς τοις μαστοις). Old word for breasts of a woman (Lu 11:27; 23:29) and nipples of a man, as here. High girding like this was a mark of dignity as of the high priest (Josephus, Ant. III. 7. 2). For προς with the locative see Mr 5:11.
With a golden girdle (ζωνην χρυσαν). Accusative case again retained with the passive participle (verb of clothing). Note also χρυσαν (vernacular Koine) rather than the old form, χρυσην.
Verse 14
As white wool (ως εριον λευκον). Εριον (wool) in N.T. only here and Heb 9:19, though old word. The person of the Lord Jesus is here described in language largely from Da 7:9 (the Ancient of Days).
White as snow (ως χιων). Just "as snow," also in Da 7:9. In N.T. only here and Mt 28:3.
As a flame of fire (ως φλοξ πυρος). In Da 7:9 the throne of the Ancient of Days is φλοξ πυρος, while in Da 10:6 the eyes of the Ancient of Days are λαμπαδες πυρος (lamps of fire). See also 2:18; 19:12 for this bold metaphor (like Heb 1:7).
Verse 15
Burnished brass (χαλκολιβανω). Associative-instrumental case after ομοιο. This word has so far been found nowhere else save here and 2:18. Suidas defines it as an ηλεχκτρον (amber) or a compound of copper and gold and silver (aurichalcum in the Latin Vulgate). It is in reality an unknown metal.
As if it had been refined (ως πεπυρομενης). Perfect passive participle of πυροω, old verb, to set on fire, to glow, as in Eph 6:16; Re 3:18. The feminine gender shows that η χαλκολιβανος is referred to with της χαλκολιβανου understood, for it does not agree in case with the associative-instrumental χαλκολιβανω just before. Some would call it a slip for πεπυρομενω as Aleph, and some cursives have it (taking χαλκολιβανω to be neuter, not feminine). But P Q read πεπυρωμενο (masculine plural), a correction, making it agree in number and gender with ποδες (feet).
In a furnace (εν καμινω). Old word, in N.T. also 9:2; Mt 13:42, 50.
As the voice of many waters (ως φωνη υδατων πολλων). So the voice of God in the Hebrew (not the LXX) of Eze 43:2. Repeated in 14:2; 19:6.
Verse 16
And he had (κα εχων). "And having," present active participle of εχω, loose use of the participle (almost like ειχε, imperfect) and not in agreement with αυτου, genitive case. This is a common idiom in the book; a Hebraism, Charles calls it.
In his right hand (εν τη δεξια χειρ). For safe keeping as in Joh 10:28.
Seven stars (αστερας επτα). Symbols of the seven churches (verse 20), seven planets rather than Pleiades or any other constellation like the bear.
Proceeded (εκπορευομενη). Present middle participle of εκπορευομα, old compound (Mt 3:5) used loosely again like εχων.
A sharp two-edged sword (ρομφαια διστομος οξεια). "A sword two-mouthed sharp." Ρομφαια (as distinct from μαχαιρα) is a long sword, properly a Thracian javelin, in N.T. only Lu 2:35; Re 1:16; 2:12; Heb 4:12. See στομα used with μαχαιρης in Lu 21:24 (by the mouth of the sword).
Countenance (οψις). Old word (from οπτω), in N.T. only here, Joh 7:24; 11:44.
As the sun shineth (ως ο ηλιος φαινε). Brachylogy, "as the sun when it shines." For φαινε see Joh 1:5.
Verse 17
I fell (επεσα). Late form for the old επεσον (second aorist active indicative of πιπτω, to fall). Under the over-powering influence of the vision as in 19:10.
He laid (εθηκεν). First aorist active indicative of τιθημ. The act restored John's confidence.
Fear not (μη φοβου). Cf. Lu 1:13 to Zacharias to give comfort.
I am the first and the last (εγω ειμ ο πρωτος κα ο εσχατος). Used in Isa 44:6; 48:12 of God, but here, 2:8; 22:13 of Christ.
And the Living One (κα ο ζων). Present active articular participle of ζαω, another epithet of God common in the O.T. (De 32:40; Isa 49:18, etc.) and applied purposely to Jesus, with which see Joh 5:26 for Christ's own words about it.
Verse 18
And I was dead (κα εγενομην νεκρος). "And I be came dead" (aorist middle participle of γινομα as in 1:9, 10, definite reference to the Cross).
I am alive (ζων ειμ). Periphrastic present active indicative, "I am living," as the words ο ζων just used mean.
Forevermore (εις τους αιωνας των αιωνων). "Unto the ages of the ages," a stronger expression of eternity even than in 1:6.
The keys (τας κλεις). One of the forms for the accusative plural along with κλειδας, the usual one (Mt 16:19).
Of death and of Hades (του θανατου κα του αιδου). Conceived as in Mt 16:18 as a prison house or walled city. The keys are the symbol of authority, as we speak of honouring one by giving him the keys of the city. Hades here means the unseen world to which death is the portal. Jesus has the keys because of his victory over death. See this same graphic picture in 6:8; 20:13f. For the key of David see 3:7, for the key of the abyss see 9:1; 20:1.
Verse 19
Therefore (ουν). In view of Christ's words about himself in verse 18 and the command in verse 11.
Which thou sawest (α ειδες). The vision of the Glorified Christ in verses 13-18.
The things which are (α εισιν). Plural verb (individualising the items) though α is neuter plural, certainly the messages to the seven churches (1:20-3:22) in relation to the world in general, possibly also partly epexegetic or explanatory of α ειδες.
The things which shall come to pass hereafter (α μελλε γινεσθα μετα ταυτα). Present middle infinitive with μελλε, though both aorist and future are also used. Singular verb here (μελλε) blending in a single view the future. In a rough outline this part begins in 4:1 and goes to end of chapter 22, though the future appears also in chapters 2 and 3 and the present occurs in 4 to 22 and the elements in the vision of Christ (1:13-18) reappear repeatedly.
Verse 20
The mystery of the seven stars (το μυστηριον των επτα αστερων). On the word μυστηριον see on Mt 13:11; 2Th 2:7; Col 1:26. Here it means the inner meaning (the secret symbol) of a symbolic vision (Swete) as in 10:7; 13:18; 17:7, 9; Da 2:47. Probably the accusative absolute (Charles), "as for the mystery" (Robertson, Grammar, pp. 490, 1130), as in Ro 8:3. This item is picked out of the previous vision (1:16) as needing explanation at once and as affording a clue to what follows (2:1, 5).
Which (ους). Masculine accusative retained without attraction to case of αστερων (genitive, ων).
In my right hand (επ της δεξιας μου). Or "upon," but εν τη, etc., in verse 16.
And the seven golden candlesticks (κα τας επτα λυχνιας τας χρυσας). "The seven lampstands the golden," identifying the stars of verse 16 with the lampstands of verse 12. The accusative case here is even more peculiar than the accusative absolute μυστηριον, since the genitive λυχνιων after μυστηριον is what one would expect. Charles suggests that John did not revise his work.
The angels of the seven churches (αγγελο των επτα εκκλησιων). Anarthrous in the predicate (angels of, etc.). "The seven churches" mentioned in 1:4, 11. Various views of αγγελος here exist. The simplest is the etymological meaning of the word as messenger from αγγελλω (Mt 11:10) as messengers from the seven churches to Patmos or by John from Patmos to the churches (or both). Another view is that αγγελος is the pastor of the church, the reading την γυναικα σου (thy wife) in 2:20 (if genuine) confirming this view. Some would even take it to be the bishop over the elders as επισχοπος in Ignatius, but a separate αγγελος in each church is against this idea. Some take it to be a symbol for the church itself or the spirit and genius of the church, though distinguished in this very verse from the churches themselves (the lampstands). Others take it to be the guardian angel of each church assuming angelic patrons to be taught in Mt 18:10; Ac 12:15. Each view is encompassed with difficulties, perhaps fewer belonging to the view that the "angel" is the pastor.
Are seven churches (επτα εκκλησια εισιν). These seven churches (1:4, 11) are themselves lampstands (1:12) reflecting the light of Christ to the world (Mt 5:14-16; Joh 8:12) in the midst of which Christ walks (1:13).